THE ISSUE WITH DELIMITATION’S POPULATION-BASED PROCESS
Why in the news?
- Articles 82 and 170 of the Indian Constitution, which deal with the process of delimitation, have triggered intense debates and concerns recently.
- The discourse is shifting towards a broader reflection on what it truly means to “represent” a constituency, including the effectiveness of elected representatives.
- Emphasis is being placed on empowering the third tier of governance — Panchayati Raj institutions and urban local bodies — to strengthen democratic representation at all levels.
- Discussions revolve around how the constitutional provisions, if implemented as they stand, might impact the federal structure and political balance.
What the Constitution Says on Delimitation
The Constitution mandates that after every census, there should be:
- A reallocation of Lok Sabha seats among States.
- A redrawing of territorial constituencies within States.
- This provision also applies to State Legislative Assemblies (Vidhan Sabhas).
Past Amendments and Current Concerns
- The 42nd Amendment, followed by others, deferred this readjustment until the year 2026.
- The next delimitation will be based on the first census conducted after that — creating anxiety, particularly in southern States.
- While there’s limited evidence to substantiate their fears, the concerns are genuine and should not be dismissed outright.
The Core of the Debate
The controversy hinges on balancing two constitutional principles:
- Population proportionality (more seats for more people).
- Federalism (equitable representation for all States, regardless of population growth).
- A purely arithmetic approach to delimitation, focused solely on population, could disproportionately benefit States with higher population growth rates — raising questions about fairness and unity.
Delimitation Data and Historical Trends
Initial Increases in Lok Sabha Seats
- 1951-52 (First General Election): 489 Lok Sabha seats.
- 1957: Increased to 494 seats.
- 1967: Increased to 520 seats, based on the 1961 Census and the Delimitation Commission Report (March 21, 1963).
- Net change: 31 seats added, 5 seats reduced.
- Reductions: Andhra Pradesh (43 → 41), Tamil Nadu (41 → 39), Uttar Pradesh (86 → 85)
- States that gained seats: Assam, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Kerala, Mysore (now Karnataka), Rajasthan, West Bengal, Delhi, Himachal Pradesh.
Additions in Newly Formed States and UTs\
Seats were added in:
- Haryana, Jammu and Kashmir, Nagaland
- Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Chandigarh
- Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Goa, Daman and Diu, Lakshadweep, Pondicherry
1971 Lok Sabha Election
- Himachal Pradesh: Lost 2 seats.
- Total Lok Sabha seats: Reduced to 518.
1977 Lok Sabha Election
- 24 new seats added.
- Total increased to 542 seats.
- Gains for: Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka, Orissa, Rajasthan, West Bengal, Haryana
- New additions: Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram
- Later change: Daman and Diu allotted a separate seat.
- Final count: 543 Lok Sabha seats — the current strength, based on the 1971 Census.
What Needs to Be Considered in the Delimitation Debate
Key Issues to Reflect On
- Population as a basis: The principle of using population for seat allocation remains central but must be examined in light of its current implications.
- Public policy impact: Population trends have been shaped by varied public policies — and their unintended consequences must be factored in.
- True meaning of representation: The concept of “representation” in a democracy extends beyond numerical parity and needs deeper exploration.
Population Per Seat: Then and Now
Lok Sabha seat representation
- 1951: 7.32 lakh people per seat
- 1967: 8.70 lakh per seat
- 1977: 10.10 lakh per seat
- 2024: ~27 lakh people per seat
Vidhan Sabha seat representation:
- 1951-52: 3,283 seats
- 2024: 4,123 seats
- Average population per MLA has roughly tripled since 1951.
2024 General Election context:
- 98 crore electors
- Average electors per MP: 18 lakh
- Range: Lakshadweep (57,760) to Malkajgiri (29.5 lakh)
Population as a Principle of Representation: Not Absolute
- While population was selected as the primary basis for representation, it has not been applied rigidly.
- Other factors like geographical contiguity and political boundaries have also influenced representation.
- Census-based population is a neutral, unqualified criterion — unlike older criteria based on religion or education.
- It was adopted to uphold the principle of universal franchise and “one person, one vote”.
Need for Flexibility in Representation Criteria
- The current context raises a valid question:
Should the population criterion be treated as so sacred that it cannot be adjusted to accommodate present-day realities? - Rigid population-based representation may:
- Create fissures in national unity.
- Distort the federal character of Parliament.
- Cause feelings of regional injustice.
- Precedent of flexibility exists:
The Finance Commission, revised every five years, modifies its criteria based on:- Regional aspirations
- National priorities
- Changing socio-economic conditions
Rethinking ‘Representation’ in Legislatures
- What does it mean to truly represent a constituency?
- Legislatures (Lok Sabha/Vidhan Sabhas) are primarily law-making bodies.
- The number of people in a constituency does not change the legislative power of the elected representative.
- Other parliamentary functions (like questions, debates, committee roles) are unaffected by constituency size.
Lack of Evidence for Smaller Constituencies Being Better Represented
- No evidence shows that smaller constituencies receive better representation than larger ones.
- Example comparisons:
- In Haryana, has the 10th parliamentary constituency (created in 1977) shown significant advantage?
- Does Narnaul (1.6 lakh voters) get better service than Badshahpur (5.2 lakh electors)?
FPTP System: Numbers Don’t Equal Representativeness
- Winning is about securing a majority, not about representing every individual numerically.
- Hence, the size of the electorate does not directly influence representativeness.
Strengthening Local Governance is the Key
- How often do citizens actually need intervention from MPs/MLAs for everyday concerns?
- Focus should be on:
- Empowering local governance through Panchayati Raj Institutions and Municipal Bodies.
- Devolving authority to the third tier to enhance democratic effectiveness.
- Rather than pushing for more seats or clinging to population-based representation, strengthening local bodies may offer more meaningful governance.
The Population Criterion That Needs Moderation
- Population as the main basis of representation must be reconsidered, especially in light of national population control efforts.
- Irony in policy outcomes: States that successfully implemented population control might be penalized by getting fewer seats in the Lok Sabha.
- This makes population growth a rewarding factor, contrary to policy intent and ethical fairness.
Proposal for Moderation Using a Deflator
- A deflator could be introduced to moderate the advantage gained by States with higher population growth.
- Analogy: Just like real GDP is adjusted for inflation, representation could be adjusted for demographic expansion.
- One suggested method:
- Take the total number of Lok Sabha seats based on the original 1977 average of 10.10 lakh people per seat.
- Applying this to the 2024 estimated population yields about 1,440 seats.
- Dividing this by the national Total Fertility Rate (TFR) — a key driver of population growth — could reduce the seat count to around 680.
Using State-wise TFR for Fairer Adjustment
- Since State-level TFR data is available, it could be used to:
- Adjust population figures more equitably.
- Reflect the efforts of States that managed population growth.
- A more refined formula could be developed by demographers and constitutional experts.
Call for Political and Constitutional Debate
- If Parliament can discuss constitutional amendments for managerial efficiency in elections,
- It should also have the capacity to debate deeper structural reforms, such as:
- Addressing political imbalances caused by population-based delimitation.
- Ensuring a just and sustainable federal structure.
Way Forward
- Initiate a National Debate: Launch a structured and inclusive dialogue involving Parliament, State governments, demographers, and legal experts to revisit the principles of representation and delimitation.
- Introduce a Moderation Mechanism: Develop a formula-based deflator, such as using State-wise Total Fertility Rate (TFR), to neutralize undue advantage from high population growth.
- Protect States that Controlled Population: Ensure that States which followed population control norms are not penalized in terms of representation or resource allocation.
- Review Delimitation Criteria: Re-examine the current delimitation framework to include multiple parameters like:
- Population (with moderation)
- Geographic contiguity
- Socio-economic indicators
- Administrative viability
- Strengthen the Role of Local Bodies: Empower Panchayati Raj Institutions and Urban Local Bodies to reduce excessive reliance on MPs/MLAs for local issues.
- Ensure Federal Balance: Maintain the federal character of the Indian polity by avoiding overrepresentation of populous regions at the cost of others.
- Establish a High-Level Commission: Set up an independent expert commission to suggest long-term reforms in parliamentary representation, similar to the Finance Commission model.
- Constitutional Amendments If Needed: If necessary, bring constitutional changes to enable a fair and adaptive representation structure in line with evolving demographic realities.
Mains Question (250 words):
Discuss the challenges of population-based representation in Indian legislatures and evaluate the need for moderation mechanisms to ensure federal balance and equitable political representation among States.